The Development of Ability to Critical Thinking

Authoritarian

Authoritarian The evaluation of particular historical events always depends upon the historians’ perspective and their ideological beliefs. In that regard, any war can be defined as antihuman or patriotic and heroic, depending upon the chosen angle for viewing it.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Authoritarian-Minded Populism in the United States specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More After Thycydides justified the Peloponnesian War as an epochal event for the whole mankind, similar strategies have been implemented by numerous historians, politicians and ruling elites for supporting their claims and finding apologia for their decisions. At present, labeling terror laws as counterterrorism measures, the United States developed torture expertise aimed at creating an authoritarian-minded populism in the country and utilizing the terrorism industry for achieving their political goals. Mechanisms of controlling the masses In the frames of authoritarian-minded populism, the ruling classes of the modern era do everything possible for obscuring communication so that to take the advantages of opacity and limit liberty of population. The mass incarceration, state control, wars and terror are used by the US elites for controlling not only the masses within their country but also spreading their influence on the rest of the globe. The technological and scientific progress cuts both ways, providing plenty of opportunities which can be used for achieving various goals, including those of controlling masses by means of terror. Ulrich Beck coined the term â€Å"risk society† for defining these social shifts in the world community, implying that the products of human activity have become the major sources of hazards as opposed to the past when main risks came from the natural world (Skoll 2010). Testing of the atomic bombs first in desert near New Mexico and then in Hiroshima and Nagasaki and using the premise of nobl e goals of putting an end to the Word War indicated the beginning of a new era of using the nuclear weapon for threatening the world community and controlling it. Historically, Nazi Germania, Fascist Italia and Stalinist Soviet Union can be used as examples of authoritarian regimes which implemented terror for controlling the masses. The two main tactics are widely used by these states for the purpose of affecting the mass consciousness and achieving their goals. The first of them presupposes terrifying the masses with the threat of both internal and external enemies for persuading the population that extraordinary power of the state is necessary for minimizing the associated risks. As it was cited in Skoll (2010), Altheide (2002) noted that â€Å"this tactic reveals itself as the promotion of the dual fears of crime and terrorism† (Skoll 2010, p. 12). The second tactic implies the use of the available state machinery by expanding the military force with the aim of direct phy sical control. Along with expansion of the military force, the obscured communication causing opacity and promoting authoritarian-minded populism are used by the US elites of modern era as one of the most effective instruments for controlling the masses and spreading their influence on the rest of the humanity.Advertising Looking for essay on political sciences? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Western model of terrorism For the purpose of controlling the masses, the US administration makes attempts to incept a patriotic model of terrorism into the public consciousness and promote the hidden authoritarian-minded populism. The basic western model of terrorism includes five main components. First of all, it represents the West as an innocent victim and a mere target of the terrorist attacks. However, numerous interventions and military conflicts contradict the claims of the US administration that the only their objectiv e is the peaceful settlement of conflicts by means of non-violent measures. The second component implies that the West only is induced to respond to the use of force by other players. For instance, substituting the term ‘Argentine state policy’ with the word terrorism, the US government managed to justify the mass killings in Argentine between 1976 and 1983 (Herman and O’Sullivan, 1989, p. 38). The third element contrasts the terrorists to Western peacemaking campaigns, claiming that the first never use the civilized conduct. The fourth element of this patriotic model is the statement that even if the West supports certain insurgents, it is done only on behalf of democracy and with the aim of subduing the repressive regimes. The fifth element implies that the US democracy is hated by the world terrorist and is one of the main underlying causes for their attacks. Any attempts of expressing the protest and doubting the propriety of the state policies undergo not on ly government criticism but are immediately suppressed like in the case with Jeff Luers who was imprisoned for ten years for his attempt to express his protest (Luers, interview). Thus, it can be stated that distorting the facts, exaggerating the threats and playing on words, the Western model of terrorism can be used as a powerful instrument of promoting the hidden authoritarian-minded populism in the United States by affecting the public consciousness for justifying the implemented methods and reducing the risks of meeting opposition from the masses. Terror laws Along with obscured communication and the mass opacity which, however, would be insufficient for justifying the terror as a means of controlling the masses, counterterrorism laws are one of the strategies implemented for promoting the authoritarian-minded populism and controlling the masses.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Authoritarian-Minded Populism in the United States specifically for you f or only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Implementing the first of the tactics for terrifying the population with internal and external enemies, the United States elites have developed a large counterterrorism establishment. It was in 1980s when the first antiterrorist laws were adopted and allowed chasing the terrorists anywhere on earth though the definition of the term terrorist was rather obscure. It is noted that â€Å"the word ‘bandit’ was used loosely to designate anybody who stood in our way† (Herman and O’Sullivan, 1989, p. 5). It means that the legal act allowed chasing enemies after calling them terrorists due to certain reasons. After the events of 9/11 the apparatus of mass terror and its legal basis were expanded by reorganizing the government agencies and creating additional apologia for military invasions. As opposed to Indonesia, Saudi Arabia and Syria which use authoritarian methods and even do not need the appropriate legal bas is for using terror, the government of the United States required legal rationale for imposing their repressive measures. Taking into account the proclaimed dominance of democratic principles, it can be stated that the US laws are intended to protect the common population from the state power (Silke 2005). However, it did not prevent the United States from using terror as an instrument for achieving the state objectives but rather required more sophisticated methods, including those of making the changes in legislation and confusing the masses by means of obscured communication and promotion of authoritarian-minded populism for affecting the mass consciousness for not only implementing terror but also justifying it in the eyes of the nation and the whole world community. It is stated that â€Å"a new government agency took over many internal control functions by absorbing formerly independent agencies such as the Immigration and Naturalization Service, which became Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) under the Department of Homeland Security (DHS)† (Skoll, 2010, p. 13). The role of these measures in promoting the authoritarian-minded populism and further expansion of the so-called counterterrorist legislation preconditioned the occurrence of the so-called conspiracy theories saying that the 9/11 attacks were planned with the assistance of particular members of the US government for the purpose of strengthening and expanding the terror apparatus (Laqueur , 2004, p. 155). Though these conspiracy theories are frequently criticized, they emphasize the direct relationship between the 9/11 events and the following expansion of the terror apparatus and the legal rationale for it.Advertising Looking for essay on political sciences? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More In general, it can be concluded that the US democratic principles induced the elites to find the ways for modifying the legislation for not only persuading the world community in the propriety of their actions but also ensuring proper legal rationale for it. The terrorism industry The term terrorism industry is used for describing the mechanisms implemented by both the US government and private sectors for the purpose of strengthening the hidden authoritarian-minded populism and controlling the masses. The government and private sectors are intersected and interconnected, uniting their efforts for achieving the common goals. The government plays a major role in selecting, implementing and justifying their strategies to the community. It is significant that since 1980s, a special division aimed at combating the world terrorism has been included into the US State Department. Another significant component of the government terror strategies is the military forces which are built up spe cifically for the purpose of dealing with terrorism. Thus, it can be logically assumed that the government sector has got all the necessary machinery which is required for controlling the masses by terrifying and confusing them. Spreading their influence upon the foreign governments and the intergovernmental organizations, the US elites expand the scope of their activity and try to meet the objective of controlling the rest of the humanity. The private sector including think tanks, lobbying organizations and institutes plays an important role in affecting the public consciousness as well. It is noted that â€Å"by the mid- 1980s organizations like the Hoover Institution, American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Georgetown Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and the Heritage Foundation each had annual budgets in excess of $ 10 million† (Herman and O’Sullivan, 1989, p. 72). It shows how influential these institutions are and the level of income of the i nvolved sponsors interested in their success. Operating in the spheres of intellectual activity and national policy implementation, these organizations can affect the public consciousness and perception of the government strategies significantly. It explains the exaggerated fear of another 9/11 attack among the American population (Kassimeris 2008). Complementing each other, both government and private sectors of terrorism industry are successful in affecting the public consciousness for controlling the masses. Conclusion In general, it can be concluded that promotion of the hidden authoritarian-minded populism is an effective strategy widely used by the US elites for not only controlling masses but also spreading their influence on an international level. Distorting the facts for affecting the public consciousness, persuading the masses in the propriety of the state terror strategies by incepting the Western terrorism model and providing the appropriate legislative rationale. Refer ence List Skoll, Geoffrey. Social Theory of Fear. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. Herman, Edward and Gerry, O’Sullivan. The Terrorism Industry: The Experts and Institutions that Shape Our View of Terror. New York: Pantheon Books, 1989. Kassimeris, George (ed.). Playing Politics with Terrorism: A User’s Guide. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008. Laqueur, Walter. No End to War: Terrorism in the Twenty-First Century. New York: The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc., 2004. Luers, Jeff. Environmental Activist Jeff Free Luers Speaks Out in First Interview After 9.5 Years Behind Bars. December 23, 2009. Silke, Andrew (ed.). Research on Terrorism: Trends, Achievements and Failures. New York: Frank Cass, 2005.

Microsoft Word Funtionality Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Microsoft Word Funtionality - Research Paper Example Any student or large business employee or owner can benefit from the simplicity of Microsoft Word, as well as the hundreds of options that it comes with to create the perfect report or project. As Microsoft Word is often used to prepare reports for both schools and businesses, one of the most beneficial functions is the ability to make an outline of the required assignment. With the bullets and numbering functions, including special features to do a tiered outline, detailed outlines can be created to prepare the writer and give them the confidence they need to complete their research paper while staying on track. The outline can also help to maintain the notes that the researcher may obtain during their research. Furthermore, through the use of Microsoft PowerPoint paired with Microsoft Word, the outline can be converted into a PowerPoint slide (Ion, 2009), which can be used to present the initial idea of the report to anyone who may ask for it, as well as further help organize the writer. Students especially find constant need to have a computer equipped with Microsoft Word while they sit in on their classes, using the simple features of Word to take notes and organize th eir ideas on the class. Microsoft Word is the most useful program when it comes to writing the actual report. Depending on which update of the software that a student or business person has, they can display their outline to the side of their paper, giving them the opportunity to follow their outline as they write their report. Microsoft Word comes complete with easy to use and easy to access tools that help to make the report unique and appealing to the reader. Changing the font, inserting images, graphs, and diagrams, and creating tables helps to organize the information in the report (The Garlic Press, 2000). These functions are often sought out for businesses and college students as they begin their dissertations and theses. One

Protections and issues surronding the 4th amendement Essay

Protections and issues surronding the 4th amendement - Essay Example These questions will be answered and explained in detail. The Fourth Amendment states, â€Å"The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.† (Anonymous 1) Since the ratification of the Fourth Amendment we have had many court rulings directly applying to the use of the Fourth Amendment and its limits and allowances. The amendment itself states emphatically that people must be secure from unreasonable searches and seizures. It also clearly states that their security is in their homes, persons and especially their papers and effects. The use of the word effects is based on 18th century English the definition of which at the time meant specifically, movable property. A primary modern legal precedent can be found in Mapp versus Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961). This case specifically decided that evidence obtained in violation of the Fourth Amendment cannot be used in a criminal prosecution in state or federal courts. (Mapp v. Ohio 1) An interesting aspect of this case came in the dissenting opinion from Justice Harlan who believed that the wrong questions had been asked and that proper information had not been given. The exclusionary rule had also been brought up with this decision as before this decision there had never been a widely applied enforcement of the exclusionary rule. The exclusionary rule is the legal approach that holds that evidence wrongly acquired should be dismissed and is a support for the Fourth Amendment. The exclusionary rule does not however, apply in civil cases, grand jury proceedings or a parole revocation hearing. Some believe that the exclusionary rule causes more negative than positive. Socially this may be the case in that as a result of the exclusionary rule and by default the Fourth Amendment guilty individuals may go free, there is the greater need for justice to be fair and the exclusionary rule ensures that this can happen. The exclusionary rule is the only agreed upon solution for the Supreme Court to assure the effectiveness of the Fourth Amendment. Another case that set legal precedent was Katz versus United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967). This case set the precedent for technology and privacy, specifically; one has an expected privacy when making a call from a telephone booth. The decision made it clear that a person could make a private call in a public area. The dissenting opinion from Justice Black said that the Fourth Amendment was meant to protect items from physical search and seizure. (Katz v. United States 1) There have been new approaches to this issue due to the use of the internet and cellular phones which do not necessarily call for a phone booth; however, it has been upheld as case law. Among the modern issues pre sented by adherence to the protections of the Fourth Amendment come as a result of recent terrorist activity within the United States. The Patriot Act or public law 107-56 has been the center of much controversy with its wide reaching allowances especially regarding the protections of the Fourth Amendment. The Patriot Act allows federal and state law enforcement agents to commit searches if a suspect is understood to be a threat to national security. Specifically Title II

New and Distinctive Set of Values Essay Example for Free

New and Distinctive Set of Values Essay To what extent and for what reasons did New Labour succeed in introducing a new and distinctive set of values to the conduct of Britain’s external relations between 1997 and 2010? Introduction As John Rentoul has observed in his biography of Tony Blair, â€Å"Prime Ministers always run their own foreign policy† (Rentoul, 2001: 420). This was certainly true of Tony Blair and New Labour. That itself is a reason why Britain’s external relations in the shape of New Labour’s foreign policy can only be properly understood by reference to the foreign policy philosophy espoused by Blair and his response to world events during his leadership over three terms in office. In New Labour’s third term (2005-10) the interventionist policy that dominated the previous two terms qwas an important hangover even to Gordon Brown’s premiership, although, ultimately Brown’s period as leader was dominated by the global finical crisis. On the eve of the Labour party’s 1997 election victory John Major’s Conservative government had little credibility with the Clinton administration in Washington or with European governments (Wallace, 2005: 54). This was a position that the new Prime Minister, Tony Blair wanted to address. At the Lord Mayor’s Banquet on 10 November 1997 Blair set out five guiding lights on Europe including being a leading partner in Europe. He postulated that the single currency would be â€Å"good for the EU† (Lord Mayors Banquet, 1997). For Blair, British foreign policy should aim to be â€Å"strong in Europe and strong with the US†¦Ã¢â‚¬  and that Britain was â€Å"the bridge between the US and Europe† (Lord Mayors Banquet, 1997). At the same venue, on 22 November 1999, Blair implicitly invoked Winston Churchill’s â€Å"three circles† doctrine that conjured up Britain’s relationship with the Commonwealth, the special relationship with the United States and the European dimension. According to Churchill Britain was the pivot around whom these relationships were to exist. Blair, accepting that the British Commonwealth was a â€Å"lost† Empire argued that Britain’s role was that of a pivotal power, as a power that was at â€Å"the crux of the alliances and  international politics which shape the world and its future† (Lord Mayors Banquet, 1997). The intention in this essay is to focus on certain fundamental aspects of New Labour foreign policy that impacted on British relationships with Europe and the World at large. The primary focus will be on the so-called â€Å"Blair Effect† simply because, as Prime Minister, he was pivotal to the New Labour philosophy. Europe As Anne Deighton has observed both the Labour and Conservative parties at various times have suffered internal dissension over the European Union (EU) (Deighton, 2007: 307). The focus of the Labour 1997 general election campaign on Europe was one where the Labour manifesto promised to â€Å"give Britain the leadership in Europe which Britain and Europe need† (Labour-party, 1997). It was important for the Labour party to highlight its commitment to Europe, in contrast to the tensions within the Conservative party. Europe apart, however, the 1997 election campaign did not highlight significant differences between the Labour and Conservative parties. There was an expectation that there would be â€Å"considerable continuity† in foreign affairs in the event of a change of government (Wickham-Jones, 2000: 8). Subsequently, in the course of New Labour’s first term in office Blair made regular pronouncements about Britain’s role in Europe. There was action as well as rhetoric. Shortly after taking office Britain ended its opt-out from the social chapter of the Maastricht Treaty and signed up to the increased EU powers enshrined in the Amsterdam Treaty. British presidency of the EU provided a ready platform for Britain to pursue an enlargement agenda. The St Malo summit in December 1998 provided Blair with a platform to collaborate with President Jacques Chirac of France to promote an Anglo-French initiative on European defence (fco.gov, 1998). This European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has been described as part of â€Å"arguably the most pro-active upstream period of the Labour government’s utilitarian supranationalism† (Bulmer, 2008: 602). Notwithstanding Blair’s pivotal role  in the creation of the ESDP, it has been argued that, in comparison to Conservative policy on European Security and Defence, the Blair approach was less a seismic shift in British policy, and more of a change of strategy† (Dryburgh, 2010: 271). The essential change, in comparison to the Conservative party approach was one where Blair was prepared to adopt a leadership role in contrast to the former John Major government’s focus of diverting attention away from EU initiatives, and in the case of defence, a focus on the strengthening of NATO (Dryburgh, 2010: 267-268). The relationship between Blair and Gordon Brown was also relevant to the New Labour approach to Europe. On 27 October 1997 Gordon Brown announced the government’s policy on the Euro. This consisted on a three pronged policy that supported (a) a successful single currency, (b) that was constitutionally acceptable but (c) had to satisfy five economic tests (hm-treasury, 2008). This approach was allied to a commitment to hold a referendum on membership of the Euro. The â€Å"key determinant† (Bulmer, 2008: 601) of this policy was the economic tests that included whether joining the Euro would be good for employment. In the event, during Labour’s second term, on 9 June 2003 Gordon Brown announced that only one test was met that relating to a beneficial impact on UK financial services – a result that removed joining the Euro from the political agenda and, in a real sense, reduced New Labour’s pronouncements on the Euro as posturing and meaningless rheto ric. The reality of New Labour’s European strategy was not to alienate the support base that ultimately mattered – the British electorate. The UK was a Euro-sceptic member state of the EU and a UK government’s EU policy could not put at risk a parliamentary majority. The decoupling of the single currency allied to the promise of a referendum in that first term became a legacy of New Labour that has now achieved a degree of permanence that has survived through and beyond the 2010 election. The Blair and New Labour momentum on Europe stalled after the 9/11 attacks on the Twin Towers. The focus on the war on terror and the transatlantic alliance that was nurtured by the 9/11 attacks became an all encompassing distraction with the result that â€Å"Europe has been a central failure of his (Blair’s) premiership† (Riddell, 2005: 383). Ethical foreign policy On 12 May 1997 the then Foreign Secretary Robin Cook declared that â€Å"†¦foreign policy must have an ethical dimension and must support the demands of other people for the democratic rights on which we insist for ourselves† (Rentoul, 2001: 421). Cook denied ever using the phrase â€Å"ethical foreign policy† or that there would be an ethical foreign policy (Wickam-Jones, 2000: 29). What is undeniable is that New Labour, through Cook, viewed human rights as a central plank of foreign policy because human rights were rights â€Å"we claim for ourselves and which we therefore have a duty to defend for those who do not get to enjoy them† (Wickham-Jones, 2000: 11). This ethical dimension served to identify â€Å"clear blue water† between New Labour’s foreign policy and previous administrations, including previous Labour governments (Little, 2000: 4). Furthermore, although the concept of an â€Å"ethical dimension† was articulated by Cook, it chimed with Blair’s â€Å"third way† in the sense that globalisation demanded an approach to the modern world that was â€Å"qualitatively different from the past† (Williams, 2010: 54). The â€Å"ethical dimension,† however, was converted by media sources into an â€Å"ethical foreign policy† and served to create the sense that New Labour â€Å"were introducing ethics to a sphere of government that was previously devoid of ethical commitments† (Williams, 2010:57). Such a lofty ambition was impossible to achieve in the real political world. This philosophy created a platform on which criticism could be levelled to contrast the reality with the aspiration, for example, in connection with the arms trade where New Labour continued a policy that was a â€Å"highly permissive approach to exports† (Cooper, 2001: 73). The ethical dimension strategy became a â€Å"millstone† (Williams, 2010: 61) around the Foreign Secretary’s neck. It is worthy of note that the New Labour manifesto for the 2001 general election with its foreign policy focus on â€Å"Britain strong in the world† (REF) was designed to herald a change in focus. Kosovo and beyond. Blair’s Chicago speech (number-10.gov, 1999) on 22 April 1999 was an important landmark in New Labour’s external relationships. It represented a key moment in â€Å"the history of liberal interventionist discourse†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Daddow, 2009: 549). Active involvement in other people’s conflicts was justified if five considerations were satisfied, including exhausting all diplomatic options and being sure of the case for intervention. This interventionist approach relied on the notion that there was a moral dimension to international action that did not depend on the norms of international law. The backdrop to the speech was what Blair described as â€Å"a just war† in Kosovo that was â€Å"based not on any territorial ambitions but on values.† Blair’s vision of success whereby an international force would enter Kosvo and allow refugees to return to their homes was ultimately realised. His strident crusade to provoke NATO and the US President Clinton into action was seen as a triumph that â€Å"earned him great respect with so many of the world leaders† (Rentoul, 2001). Following the September 11 attacks Blair reinforced his interventionist stance at the Labour Party Conference (2001) by declaring that, along with the United States, Britain had a â€Å"duty† to protect the rights of citizens of other states, including those of the Afghan people. On this approach, the carpet-bombing of Afghanistan could be claimed to be â€Å"an action undertaken on behalf of Afghan citizens† (Chandler, 2003: 307). What this policy omits is any real engagement with the Afghan people themselves and, at its crudest, becomes a recipe for innocent collateral loss of life. Iraq became the yardstick against which New Labour’s foreign policy particularly during its second term and the Blair legacy has come to be judged. Iraq was inextricably tied in with the so-called special relationship between Britain and the US and the humanitarian interventionist policy. The special relationship was not new and even today the special relationship has a â€Å"political and ideological superstructure and an embedded military and intelligence structure† (Wallace, 2009: 263). Yet under Blair there was unconditional support for the Bush administration’s desire to invade Iraq. Although the so-called â€Å"Poodle Theory† might be â€Å"simplistic and  at best, overstated† (Azubuike, 2005: 137) Blair was prepared to join Bush in pursuing a disastrous and illegal campaign (Azubuike, 2005: 137). Robin Cook perhaps best summarised the flaw in Blair’s approach – in explaining that by becoming a â€Å"trusty partner of the most reactionary US Administration in modern time† such an â€Å"unlikely alliance† would cause disruption in his own party (Cook, 2003: 2). The New Labour interventionist approach to conflict justified by humanitarian concerns that had proved successful in the past left a legacy that â€Å"turned to ashes† the Blair/New Labour vision of Britain that visualised â€Å"spreading good around the world† (Toynbee and Walker, 2005: p194). Gordon Brown as Prime Minister had to maintain the line that Blair’s foreign policy initiatives were justified because, as a central figure in New Labour he could not detach himself from the major foreign policy goals pursued by New Labour and Blair. Iraq and Afghanistan required to be managed. Conclusion The blueprint for New Labour external relations with a focus on leadership in Europe and an ethical dimension to world events in New Labour’s first term promised much, but by the third term was transformed into one where Europe became an intractable problem clouded by immigration and euro-scepticism. Furthermore, in Europe the New Labour policy of stringent economic tests became an agenda for non-entry to the euro. The New Labour policy of interventionism overlooked the fundamental truth that when it really mattered in Iraq and Afghanistan winning the war in a military sense became irrelevant if peace could not be secured thereafter. A humanitarian agenda without a secure peace becomes an agenda that lacks real morality. New Labour began with a positive external relations agenda that promised much but ultimately failed to deliver. Bibliography Azubuike, J. 2005. The â€Å"Poodle Theory† and the Anglo-American â€Å"Special Relationship†Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ International studies, 42(2), pp. 123-139. Bulmer, S. 2008. New Labour, New European Policy? Blair, Brown and Utilitarian Supranationalism, Parliamentary Affairs, 61(4), pp. 597-620. Chandler, D. 2003. Rhetoric without responsibility: the attraction of ‘ethical’ foreign policy, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 5(3), pp. 295-316. Cook, R. 2004. The Point of Departure, Diaries from the Front Bench. London: Simon and Schuster UK Ltd. Cooper, N. 2000, Arms Exports New Labour and the Pariah Agenda, Contemporary Security Policy, 21(3), pp. 54-77. Daddow, O. 2009. Tony’s war? Blair, Kosovo and the interventionist impulse in British foreign policy, International Affairs, 85(3), pp. 547-560. Deighton, A. 2001. European Union Policy. In: A Seldon, ed. 2001. The Blair London: Little, Brown and Company. Ch.15. Dryburgh, L. 2010. Blair’s First Government (1997-2001) and European Security and Defence Policy: Seismic Shift or Adaptation?, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 12(2), pp. 257-273 Labour party manifesto, 1997. Archive of Labour Party Manifestos. [online]. Available at: http://www.labour-party.org.uk/manifestos/1997/1997-labour-manifesto.shtml [Accessed on 7 December 2014]. Rentoul, J., 2001. Tony Blair, Prime Minister London: Little, Brown and Company. Riddell, P. 2005. Europe. In: A. Seldon and D. Kavanagh, ed. 2005. The Blair Effect 2001-5, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ch.16. Wallace, W. 2005. The collapse of British foreign policy, International Affairs, 82(1), pp. 53-68. Wallace, W. and Phillips, C. 2009. Reassessing the special relationship, International Affairs, 85(2), pp. 263-284. Whitman, G. R. The Clam After the Storm? Foreign and Security Policy from Blair to Brown, Parliamentary Affairs, 63(4), pp. 834-848. Wickham-Jones, M. 2000. Labour’s trajectory in foreign affairs: the moral crusade of a pivotal power? In: R. Little and M. Wickham-Jones, ed. 2000. New Labours Foreign Policy, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Ch.1. Williams, P. 2010. The Rise and Fall of the ‘Ethical Dimension’: Presentation and Practice in New Labour’s Foreign Policy, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 15(1), pp. 53-63.

Christopher Pike :: essays research papers

Final Friends Book1: The Vampire Author: Christopher Pike Pages: 211 Published: Pocket Books/ Archway Paperbacks 40 Questions: 1. In chapter 1, what does Sam have a dream of? p. 4. He has a dream that his whole class will die because they will be killed by a vampire. 2. In chapter 1, who is going to be throwing a large party? p. 4. Sam. He doesn’t live in a very big house but he has a big yard. Too, his parents try to act â€Å"cool† so they are letting him have the party. 3. Why does everybody at school think Drake is a vampire? p. 6,7. First of all his name is kind of like Dracula, and second his canine teeth for some reason are distorted and they are really sharp. 4. Why does David get jealous when he sees his girlfriend talking to Drake? p. 7.Because Jolie is usually shy and doesn’t talk to other guys. 5. What does Jolie say is the reason why she is talking to another guy? p. 8 She says she was talking to Drake because she needed help with her homework. But David doesn’t believe her because she is a strait A student. 6. Why does Hanna, David’s sister, get mad at her teacher? p. 19. Because she gets kicked out of class for talking when really it was the girl next to her that was talking to her. 7. Why does Hanna go over to Jane’s house? p. 21. Because they are planning to play a practical joke on Hanna’s teacher for kicking her out of class. 8. What joke is Hanna going to play on her teacher Mr. Torkelson. p. 22. She is going to cut the brakes on his car. 9. Why does David almost get in a fight with Drake? p. 38. Because Drake spills coffee on David, and David thinks it is on purpose because David thinks that Drake wants to take his girlfriend. 10. (related to question 9) What does Drake whisper under his breath as he is walking away? p. 39. He says, â€Å"You better watch out, next time it will hurt a lot more.† 11. How does Hanna feel after she messes with Torkelson’s car? p. 45. She regrets it because she thinks that something bad will happen. 12. Why is David sure now that his girlfriend is cheating on him? p. 50. Because he sees her kissing Drake in the arcade. 13. How does Mr. Torkelson die? p. 61. He dies in a car accident. 14. Why does Hanna seem really depressed? p. 63.

The Three Basic Economic Questions

The Three Basic Economic Questions 1. What to Produce? what items to produce and how much of each item to produce using its productive inputs in the most efficient manner. 2. How to Produce? One the decision has been made regarding what to produce. each country must choose which resources productive inputs will be used and in what combinations3. For Whom to Produce? Should the productive outputs be distributed based on social customs, personal wealth and ownership, or mandated by the government? mandated government- china no youtube or facebook (social customs- north korea the worst)Basic Economic Systems Traditional Economy One in which economic decisions depend upon social customs and rarely changes from generations to generation. in these societies, religion and culture are more important than personal wealth and material possessions. ( north korea, india marriage) conncected to for whom to produce in traditionMarket Economy One in which economic decisions are based on private own ership, where individuals are free to pursue their own self interest. This system is often referred to as capitalism. individuals use their incomes to purchase goods and services. The more income one earns, the more purchasing power they have.Command Economy One in which all productive inputs are owned by the government and central planners within that government decide what items to produce and how much will be produced; how it will be produced and how output will be distributed based upon anticipated future needs of the economy. ex. China majority AfricaMixed Economy One that combines aspects of a market economy and a command econmy; the economy uses both markets and government to make decisions. Most countires  today fall under the mixed eonomly definition, however in varying degrees between private and public sector influence ex. Sweden, Canada, USA Economic SystemAdvantagesDisadvantagesTraditional Stability Emphasizes on spiritual and cultural aspects of lifePoverty Lack of i ndividual freedomsMarket Individual consumers determine what is produced and ultimately how much they are willing to pay.Encourages innovation and entrepreneurshipInstability in output due to changes in prices and/ or employment levels Private markets do not always consider the needs of society as a whole e.g. homeless shelters. If income is distributed based solely on earnings, some individuals might not earn enough to obtain the basic necessities of life. CommandMore even distribution of incomeCentral planners can focus on economic growth by directing resources in a specific direction.Lack of individual freedomsCentral planning difficulties and errors in judgmentInefficient use of resources due to the lack of profit to motivate the efficient use of resources